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The proportion of “traditional”
families continues to decline The proportion of “traditional” families continues to declineA family portrait taken by the census at the outset of the 21st Century shows a continuation of many of the changes in families over the last 20 years. The proportion of “traditional” families—mom, dad and the kids—continues to decline, while families with no children at home are on the increase. As of May 15, 2001, married or common-law couples with children aged 24 and under living at home represented only 44% of all families in Canada. In 1991, they accounted for 49% of all families, and in 1981 they represented more than one-half (55%). At the same time, couples who had no children living at home accounted for 41% of all families in 2001, up from 38% in 1991 and 34% in 1981. Behind this shift in living arrangements are diverse factors, such as lower fertility rates, couples who are delaying having children or who are childless. In addition, life expectancy is increasing, with one result being that couples have more of their lives to spend together as “empty-nesters” after their children have grown up and left home. Some couples with children consist of step families(1). According to the 2001 General Social Survey, Canada had 503,100 step families in 2001. This represents almost 12% of all Canadian couples with children in 2001, compared to 10% in 1995. The 2001 Census showed that an increasing proportion of couples choose to live common-law. The proportion of married-couple families was 70% in 2001, down from 83% in 1981. At the same time, the proportion of common-law families increased from 5.6% to 14%. The census counted 5,901,420 married families and 1,158,410 common-law families in 2001. The 1,311,190 lone-parent families(2) represented 16% of families in Canada.
The trend toward common-law was again strongest in Quebec, where 508,520 common-law families represented 30% of all couple families in that province. A recent study based on Statistics Canada’s General Social Survey showed that common-law unions have become more and more popular in Quebec, and that trend has started to take hold among younger people in other provinces. Still, while younger Canadian men and women are more likely to start their conjugal life through a common-law relationship (about 40% of men and women aged 30 to 39), most will eventually marry (roughly 75%) if trends observed in 2001 were to continue.
Common-law couples with children (under the age of 25) at home are also increasing. They accounted for 7.4% of all couples in Canada in 2001, compared to only 2.1% two decades earlier. About 520,735 couples were raising children in common-law relationships in 2001. By contrast, married couples with children declined significantly from 60% of all couples in 1981 to 44% in 2001.
Same-sex common-law couples: Male couples outnumber female couplesFor the first time the 2001 Census provides data on same-sex partnerships.
A total of 34,200 same-sex common-law couples were counted in Canada in 2001, representing 0.5% of all couples. There were 10,360 couples in Quebec and 5,790 couples in British Columbia who identified themselves as same-sex common-law couples, accounting for 0.6% of all couples living in each province. Ontario had the largest number of same-sex couples (12,505), representing 0.5% of all couples. Although the actual numbers are small, same sex couples also represented 0.6% of all couples (married and common-law) in the Yukon. Newfoundland and Labrador had the lowest proportion of same-sex couples (0.1% of all couples). There were slightly more male same-sex common-law couples than female. The census counted about 19,000 male same-sex couples, 55% of the total. More female same-sex couples have children living with them. About 15% of the 15,200 female same-sex couples are living with children, compared to only 3% of male same-sex couples. Less than 10% of male and female same-sex couples live with other household members (other than children). The majority of same-sex couples (88% of male couples and 77% of female couples) had no other people living in their household. Male couples were more likely to live in census metropolitan areas; 85% live in the larger urban areas of Canada, compared with 76% of female couples. The metropolitan areas of Ottawa-Hull (now known as Ottawa-Gatineau) and Vancouver had the highest proportions of same-sex common-law couples (about 0.9% of all couples). Close to 4,000 same-sex couples were counted in Vancouver, and 2,170 couples identified themselves as same-sex couples in Ottawa-Hull. Same-sex common-law couples represented 0.8% of all couples in the metropolitan areas of Montréal and Victoria.
Common-law relationships in Quebec: Proportion reaches similar level as in SwedenThe prevalence of common-law relationships is not only higher in Quebec than in the other Canadian provinces, it is also higher than in many Western European and North American countries. About 30% of all couples in Quebec were living common-law in 2001, a proportion comparable to Sweden’s, a country often referred to as having one of the highest incidences of non-marital unions. The proportion of common-law couples in Quebec exceeds the proportion in Norway (24.5%), Finland (19%), and France (17.5%). It is also close to twice as high as in Mexico, and more than three times the proportion in the United States. The prevalence of common-law couples is roughly twice as high in Canada as it is in the United States. This is mostly because of the higher number of common-law unions in Quebec. The other provinces and territories still have a higher proportion of common-law couples than the United States (11.7% versus 8.2%).
Canadian household size declining and living alone on the riseThe number of private households is still growing faster than the population living in them. Between 1996 and 2001, the number of private households increased 6.9%, while the number of people living in these households rose 4.0%. In 2001, the census enumerated 11,562,975 private households, up from 10,820,050 in 1996. The increase of smaller households is the biggest contributor to the growth of private households. More people are living alone and more families have no children at home. The size of households has dropped in the last two decades, as fewer people live in large households and more people live alone. In 2001, there were about as many one-person households (2,976,875) as there were households with four or more persons (2,938,455). One- and two-person households have increased in the last two decades. The proportion of one-person households has risen from about one-fifth of all households in 1981 to more than one-quarter in 2001. The proportion of two-person households has also grown during this time, from 29% of households to 33%. Between 1996 and 2001, smaller households represented the fastestgrowing household type in Canada. The proportion of households consisting of four or more people fell from one-third in 1981 to one-quarter in 2001. Average household size has decreased during the same time period from 2.9 to 2.6 persons. The decline in household size is at least partially a result of much lower fertility rates in recent decades, as couples have, on average, fewer children. There has also been a large increase in childless couples and couples with no children still present in the household (empty-nest families). In addition, the dissolution of marital or common-law unions often creates two smaller households. Seniors are more likely to live alone, and there are growing numbers of elderly, which is contributing to the growth in one-person households. The decline in the number of larger households and the growing number of one- and two-person households may have implications for the housing market as smaller households, especially persons living alone, may want smaller living spaces than would larger households.
More seniors living with a spouse, more living alone and fewer living in health care institutions(3)Family and household settings of seniors have also been evolving quickly. Many seniors in Canada live with their spouse or partner (and no children), up slightly from twenty years ago. This decreases with age for both men and women. In 2001, 35% of women aged 65 and over and 61% of senior men lived with a spouse or partner. Two decades earlier, these figures were 33% and 59%. Close to half (48%) of 65 to 74 year old women lived with a spouse or partner in 2001; this proportion falls to 7.2% for women aged 85 or more. Men are far more likely than women to spend their senior years with a spouse or partner, because of their lower life expectancy and tendency to marry younger women. Almost two-thirds (64%) of men aged 65 to 74 lived with a spouse or partner in 2001, dropping to 39% for men aged 85 and over. Many seniors reside with at least one of their adult children. In 2001, 13% of men aged 65 and over lived in the same household as their children, virtually unchanged from 1981. Slightly fewer senior women (12%) co-resided with their children in 2001, up from 8.9% twenty years earlier. For both men and women, the proportions drop off slightly with age. According to the 2001 General Social Survey, about 77% of seniors aged 65 and over are grandparents. Some of these grandparents shared households with their grandchildren. The 2001 Census counted 232,595 grandparents (6.5% of all seniors in private households) who did so. Of these households, about 12% contained only the grandparent(s) and grandchild(ren); the remainder also included the parent(s). Not only are more seniors living with a spouse or partner, or with children than they did twenty years ago, but seniors are also more likely to live alone. In 2001, 35% of women aged 65 and over lived alone and 16% of the men in this age group did so. Living alone is becoming more common even for the seniors aged 85 and over. For women aged 85 and over, the proportion of seniors living alone grew from 25% in 1981 to 38% in 2001. The pattern was similar, but less marked, for men in this age group, increasing from 16% to 23%. There were 287,480 seniors aged 65 and over who lived in health care institutions in 2001; they represent 9.2% of senior women and 4.9% of senior men. This is a decline for both senior men and women and for all age groups. In 1981, 10.5% of senior women and 6.7% of senior men lived in these facilities. Living in health care institutions is most common for the oldest seniors, those aged 85 and over. However, for this group of seniors, the proportion of men in these facilities dropped from 29% in 1981 to 23% in 2001, and the decline for women was from 41% in 1981 to 35% in 2001. While the rates for living in health care institutions are declining, the number of seniors aged 85 and over continues to increase as the population ages.
More children living with common-law parentsThe diversification of family settings has an impact on all age groups, including children. Currently, children aged 0 to 14 are less likely to live in “traditional” families (i.e., with married parents), than they were two decades ago. Children are increasingly being raised by common-law or lone parents. Still, most children aged 0 to 14 lived with married parents in 2001. Although their numbers have climbed from 3.9 million to 4.6 million between 1981 and 2001, the proportion of children living with married parents has fallen substantially from 84% to 68%. About 732,915 children, or 13% of children aged 0 to 14, lived with common-law parents in 2001, more than four times the proportion in 1981 (3.1%). This suggests a change in the historical view that marriage is a prerequisite for raising children. Younger children are more likely to live with common-law parents than are older children. The 2001 Census data showed that 17% of children aged 0 to 4 lived with common-law parents compared with 9.3% of children aged 10 to 14. In 2001, children were much more likely to be living with common-law parents in Quebec (29%) than in the rest of Canada (8.2%). According to data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Children and Youth, children are experiencing parental separation at increasingly younger ages. Furthermore, children born into common-law unions are more apt to see the separation of their parents. Research has also found that children who experience the separation or divorce of their parents while growing up are more likely to become separated themselves later in their adult lives. In 2001, 1.07 million children, or about 19%, did not live with both parents. Most of these children lived with a lone parent, the majority of who were lone mothers. Only a small proportion, about 1%, did not live with at least one parent, for the most part staying with other relatives. In 7 of the 13 provinces and territories, more than one out of five children lived with a lone parent in 2001. In the Yukon, about one out of four children were in a lone-parent family. Nova Scotia, Manitoba, and Saskatchewan had the largest provincial proportions. Although rare, children occasionally co-reside with grandparents. According to the 2001 Census, 190,810 children, or 3.3%, lived in the same household as one or more grandparents, 25,245 of these children, about 0.4%, lived in the same household as their grandparents and without their parents.
More young adults living with their parent(s)There is more fluidity to the living arrangements of young adults today, although most still live in a family context. Over the last two decades, one of the trends for young adults in Canada is their growing tendency to remain in (or return to) the parental home. The Census showed that 41% of the 3.8 million young adults aged 20 to 29 lived with their parents in 2001, a large increase from 27% in 1981. Much of the increase, however, occurred during the early 1990s. In 1991, 33% of young adults lived at home, rising to 39% in 1996. Young adults in their early twenties are most likely to live at home, and this is especially true for young men. Thus, 64% of men aged 20-24 lived with their parents in 2001, while this was the case for 52% of women in the same age group. This decreased with age, to 19% for women age 25-29 and 29% for men in this age group. These figures were higher than in 1981 when 51% of men and 33% of women aged 20 to 24 lived at home, as well as 15% of men and 8.3% of women aged 25 to 29. There are a number of factors that help explain this growing trend of young adults living with their parents, including falling marriage rates, rising age at first marriage, the growth of common-law unions (which dissolve at a higher rate than marital unions), as well as the pursuit of higher education and the difficulty in finding a job. The 2001 General Social Survey (GSS) provides additional information on the home-leaving process. In particular, leaving the parental home does not preclude one from returning. According to the 2001 GSS, about 33% of men and 28% of women aged 20 to 29 returned home at least once after an initial departure. Fewer young adults living in unionsUnion formation, either through marriage or common-law, remains an important process for men and women in their twenties. In particular, the popularity of common-law unions continues to rise. Between 1981 and 2001, the proportion of young adults living in common-law unions more than doubled from 8.0% to 17%. Despite the increase in the proportion of young adults living in common-law unions, there is an overall decrease in 20 to 29 year olds living in couples. In other words, the increase in common-law unions does not compensate for the decrease in marriage. From 1981 to 2001, the proportion of men aged 20 to 24 in unions (either marriage or common-law) dropped from 27% to 14%; for women in the same age group, the proportion dropped from 46% to 26%. For 25 to 29 year olds, the decrease was from 64% to 45% for men and from 73% to 57% for women. For young adults in their twenties, a common-law union is likely to be their first conjugal union. According to the 2001 General Social Survey, starting conjugal life in a common-law relationship also increases the probability of this first union ending in separation, regardless of whether the common-law partners eventually marry.
Notes
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